{"id":3431,"date":"2010-12-22T06:52:43","date_gmt":"2010-12-22T11:52:43","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/?p=3431"},"modified":"2010-12-29T11:25:39","modified_gmt":"2010-12-29T16:25:39","slug":"the-american-fringe-and-its-unintended-consequences","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/2010\/12\/22\/the-american-fringe-and-its-unintended-consequences\/","title":{"rendered":"The American fringe and its unintended consequences"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>We Americans &#8212; and particularly our governing class in Albany and Washington &#8212; like to think of ourselves as centrists and middle-of-the-roaders<\/p>\n<p>Which is why it&#8217;s so startling to realize that fringe activists and groups have shaped so much of our politics in the post-War era.<\/p>\n<p>And the really interesting thing is that these &#8220;wing&#8221; voters and organizations tend to do as much harm as good to their cherished causes.<\/p>\n<p>In last month&#8217;s elections, the rise of the conservative tea party movement probably cost Republicans control of the US Senate.<\/p>\n<p>If President Barack Obama&#8217;s healthcare reform law survives, he may have Sarah Palin and Jim DeMint to thank.<\/p>\n<p>But this trend goes well beyond this one election cycle.<\/p>\n<p>In 1964, a fierce cadre of conservative Republicans seized the presidential nomination for Barry Goldwater, shouldering aside centrist New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller.<\/p>\n<p>Goldwater went on to lose the election by nearly 20 million votes to Lyndon Johnson, one of the biggest electoral defeats in our history.<\/p>\n<p>That gave Johnson time to built support for his landmark Civil Rights Act and to lay the groundwork for his Great Society social programs.<\/p>\n<p>But in 1968, Johnson&#8217;s own fringe rose up against him, with liberals backing Eugene McCarthy and Bobby Kennedy against a popular, sitting president.<\/p>\n<p>A chip-shot win for the Democrats turned into a debacle, as Johnson withdrew and Richard Nixon went on to win 32 states and the presidency.<\/p>\n<p>If ultra-liberal rebels own a part of the credit for the blighted Nixon era, they also own a big piece of the Reagan years.<\/p>\n<p>In 1980, Jimmy Carter had a legitimate shot at capturing a second term until progressive icon Ted Kennedy pursued a nasty and divisive primary challenge all the way to the Democratic convention.<\/p>\n<p>(We forget these days that Carter was viewed by his liberal wing as a stuffy southern conservative.\u00a0 Just as Johnson, the architect of the Civil Rights Act and the Great Society, was viewed as a right-wing war-monger.)<\/p>\n<p>Reagan went on to win 44 states and set in motion policies that would erode many of the liberal movement&#8217;s most cherished New Deal programs.<\/p>\n<p>But if liberals helped to usher in the Nixon and Reagan eras, conservatives certainly played midwife to Bill Clinton&#8217;s presidency.<\/p>\n<p>In 1992, Texas billionaire Ross Perot launched his self-funded libertarian campaign, peeling away nearly 20 million votes.<\/p>\n<p>That support, if it had stayed with the GOP, would have given the first President George Bush another term by a handy margin.<\/p>\n<p>But in 2000, the left was back at it again, with liberal icon Ralph Nader stripping nearly 3 million votes away from the Democrats &#8212; including key votes in Florida that would have almost certainly tipped the election to Al Gore.<\/p>\n<p>It is an unavoidable fact that their quixotic activism had the unintended consequence of giving rise to the Bush-Cheney era.<\/p>\n<p>Indeed, when you tot up the number of times that these outside-the-mainstream groups have tipped elections &#8212; and in every case, tipped it to the &#8220;enemy&#8221; camp &#8212; it&#8217;s hard not to daydream about what a truly centrist America might have looked like.<\/p>\n<p>What if Nelson Rockefeller had been elected president and set a different course for the modern Republican Party, one more urban, cosmopolitan and multi-racial in tone?<\/p>\n<p>What if Lyndon Johnson had captured a second term, thereby removing Richard Nixon&#8217;s stain from American history?<\/p>\n<p>What if Jimmy Carter had muddled to a second term, erasing Ronald Reagan&#8217;s towering figure from the political landscape?<\/p>\n<p>What if Bill Clinton had never been elected? And what if Al Gore had been at the helm in 2000 when Al Quaeda attacked America?<\/p>\n<p>It&#8217;s astonishing when seen in this light to think how these very small groups have managed to alter the trajectory of our political lives.<\/p>\n<p>Liberals have once again started talking about this sort of self-immolating rebellion.<\/p>\n<p>In an interview on NPR, Robert Kuttner &#8212; co-founder of the American Prospect &#8212; raised the specter of a primary challenge against President Obama in 2012.<\/p>\n<p>This from <a href=\"http:\/\/www.npr.org\/blogs\/itsallpolitics\/2010\/12\/10\/131911599\/in-the-unlikely-event-of-an-obama-primary-challenge-who-would-run\">NPR political editor Ken Rudin&#8217;s blog post<\/a> about their conversation:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>I told him after today&#8217;s program that it still seems far fetched to me  to envision a real challenge to Obama&#8217;s nomination in 2012.<\/p>\n<p>He said  perhaps, but who would have thought that mild-mannered <em><strong>Eugene McCarthy<\/strong><\/em> would have taken on <em><strong>LBJ<\/strong><\/em> in &#8217;67-68?<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Right.\u00a0 And who would have imagined that the few thousand college students who went &#8220;clean for Gene&#8221; in New Hampshire in 1968 would change the course of American history.<\/p>\n<p>Not by ushering in a new progressive politics, but by opening the door to Nixon, Watergate, and much of the ugliness that followed.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>We Americans &#8212; and particularly our governing class in Albany and Washington &#8212; like to [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":12,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[1],"tags":[20],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3431"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/12"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3431"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3431\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3432,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3431\/revisions\/3432"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3431"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3431"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.northcountrypublicradio.org\/inbox\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3431"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}